العودة   منتديات طلاب الجامعة العربية المفتوحة > منتدى كليات الجامعة العربية المفتوحة > منتدى قسم الإنجليزي > AA100a

إضافة رد
 
أدوات الموضوع انواع عرض الموضوع

قديم 10-10-2013, 10:16 PM   #1
wasam wasam غير متصل
طالب جديد

 









معلومة الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


[left]
Chapter 1
Cleopatra
I. Impressions:
A. First associations: temptress, seduction, beauty, doomed lover, suicide, Antony and Cleopatra, Egypt, Elizabeth Taylor, "Carry on Cleo", luxury and extravagance
B. Sources used: movies, histories, biographies, coinage, sculpture, and poetry
C. Abbreviations:
1. CE: Common Era (Equivalent to AD)
2. BCE: Before the Common Era (Equivalent to BC)
Activity (DVD Video Cleopatra) p. 5: Watch the DVD and think about these questions:
1. What type of image of Cleopatra is being projected?
2. How are the past and the figure of Cleopatra being used to appeal to the audience?
3. How does the image of Cleopatra change over the course of movies?
4. How are these differences linked to the changing social habits of the contemporary society?
5. What is the relationship between our popular perceptions of the past and famous figures from antiquity and the actual events and characters of the past?
D. Activity (p. 6): What sort of sources/evidence can we use to study the events of over two thousand years ago, and what are the obstacles and difficulties in evaluating them?
Evidence and Sources: The materials we can use are: poems, biographies, histories, statues, and coins.
Obstacles: Our view of the ancient world is fragmentary and puzzling, and piecing it together needs a lot of patience and a certain degree of imaginative creativity.
How to work: We need to scrutinize the motivations of the authors and their assumptions about the world. We need to be as OBJECTIVE as possible and to bear in mind that we are not ancient Romans and Egyptians; we bring along our own set of values, derived from our own cultures, education and upbringing, to our study of this material. We need to keep in mind that history is a maze of opinion, contradiction, and heresy. in studying the past, we must be detectives, and we must suspect our own motives.
E. A Short Biography of Cleopatra:
Cleopatra VII was the last ruler of the Ptolemaic dynasty, ruling Egypt from 51 BC - 30 BC. She is celebrated for her beauty and her love affairs with the Roman warlords Julius Caesar and Mark Antony.
Cleopatra was born in 69 BC - 68 BC. When her father Ptolemy XII died in 51 BC, Cleopatra became co-regent with her 10-year-old brother Ptolemy XIII. They were married, in keeping with Egyptian tradition. Whether she was as beautiful as was claimed, she was a highly intelligent woman and an astute politician, who brought prosperity and peace to a country that was bankrupt and split by civil war.
In 48 BC, Egypt became embroiled in the conflict in Rome between Julius Caesar and Pompey. Pompey fled to the Egyptian capital Alexandria, where he was murdered on the orders of Ptolemy. Caesar followed and he and Cleopatra became lovers. Cleopatra, who had been exiled by her brother, was reinstalled as queen with Roman military support. Ptolemy was killed in the fighting and another brother was created Ptolemy XIII. In 47 BC, Cleopatra bore Caesar a child - Caesarion - though Caesar never publicly acknowledged him as his son. Cleopatra followed Caesar back to Rome, but after his assassination in 44 BC, she returned to Egypt. Ptolemy XIV died mysteriously at around this time, and Cleopatra made her son Caesarion co-regent.
In 41 BC, Mark Antony, at that time in dispute with Caesar's adopted son Octavian over the succession to the Roman leadership, began both a political and romantic alliance with Cleopatra. They subsequently had three children - two sons and a daughter. In 31 BC, Mark Antony and Cleopatra combined armies to take on Octavian's forces in a great sea battle at Actium, on the west coast of Greece. Octavian was victorious and Cleopatra and Mark Antony fled to Egypt. Octavian pursued them and captured Alexandria in 30 BC. With his soldiers deserting him, Mark Antony took his own life and Cleopatra chose the same course, committing suicide on 12 August 30 BC. Egypt became a province of the Roman Empire.
Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/histori...leopatra.shtml
F. Activity (p. 7): Reading 1.1 (page 27)
The speech of Octavian before the battle of Actium by the historian Cassius Dio:
Question 1: How did the Romans view Antony?
Discussion: The manner of the speech presents a negative image of Antony through his association with Cleopatra and Egypt. He is characterized as a shadow of his former, manly Roman self. He has embraced a foreign and decadent way of life and become bewitched and enslaved by Cleopatra to such an extent that he is fighting against his own country on her behalf. He has become effeminate, self-indulgent, and soft.
The contrast between Rome and Egypt: Rome is presented as the master and ruler of the world, while Egypt is pictured as inferior and its people are described as slaves of women, worshiping reptiles and beasts.
Question 2: How can we evaluate Dio's authenticity in his record of facts?
Discussion: He was writing about two hundred years after the events he is reporting. This is certainly not an eyewitness account. Ancient historians, unlike modern historians, did not back up their points with evidence and references to their source materials. They don't feel obliged to justify their assertions. This speech is a dramatic and engaging piece of rhetoric. It is most possible that Dio used his own judgment to put this speech into the mouth of Octavian, gauging what was likely to have been said by such a character in a particular situation. Such speeches are not a record of what was said, but rather plausible fictions. In this manner, the work of ancient historians can seem to be a bit like a play or a novel where what happens is often predetermined by the way the author has presented the make-up of his or her characters.
G. Plutarch's Antony: The Fallen Hero
Activity (Reading p. 9): What are Cleopatra's effects on Antony according to Plutarch?
Discussion: Cleopatra has, according to Plutarch, a fatal influence on Antony. She is temptation personified, and Antony is incapable of resistance. She can bring out the worst in Antony and suppress the best in him. Under her influence, he has lost his mental faculties and all his sense of responsibility. Love for Cleopatra is pictured as madness and has let out all his baser desires and passions. His moral failings lead him to destruction and the agent of his ruin is Cleopatra.
Activity (Reading pp. 9-10): How does Plutarch present Cleopatra's appearance and personality?
Discussion: According to him, Cleopatra was not the most beautiful of women. Her captivating effect relied not so much on the stunning nature of her looks but rather on the sheer force of her personality. Cleopatra is capable of casting a spell over men. The portrait of Cleopatra as bewitching Antony is a constant theme in the Roman sources.
Activity (Reading p. 10): How did Cleopatra manipulate her appearance to influence others?
Discussion: Plutarch presents Cleopatra as a cunning manipulator who seduces and out-maneuvers Antony. She was a master, he says, of a thousand flatteries; she shrewdly measured Antony's desires and appetites and made sure to cater them. in doing this, Plutarch notes that she turned a veteran statesman and warrior into the equivalent of a spoilt youth content to squander his precious time on idle pleasures. The Roman world did not value romantic love, and Antony's infatuation with Cleopatra was simply another indication to Plutarch of self-indulgence and a lack of self-control. The only aspect of Cleopatra's life that draws admiration from Plutarch is the manner of her death.
H. Cleopatra in Augustan Poetry:
1. Poetry: a special use of language, fitting the sound of words to certain rhythmic patterns.
2. Lyric Poetry: A kind of poetry that presents the singular perspective of an individual, the "I" or speaker of the poem. Most often, in modern poetry, the speaker talks about a fairly intense emotion experience or mood. The speaker does not usually address the reader directly, but rather we seem to overhear this voice as it appears to talk to itself about its deepest feelings and experiences. However, in ancient Greece, it was a form of performance art for the community. It was a public event, and the voice of the poet represents an expression of the community rather than that of an isolated individual.

Poetry is rarely history. It conveys feelings and impressions that may give us some insight into what people at Rome thought of Cleopatra and the events that had transpired, but we must not lose sight of the fact that poems such as Horace's ode are verbal works of art; they are of historical value, but they are not objective historical records.

Activity: Horace Ode 1.37 (Reading p. 28)
Question 1: What is the mood of the opening lines?
Discussion: It is the mood of an almost compelling need to celebrate. The opening lines are full of the imagery of joyous celebration: dancing, feasting, and opening that expensive bottle of wine kept for a special occasion. Before hearing the news of the war, the nation felt so anxious, but the mood is now replaced by the urgent need to celebrate the release of the collective anxiety of a nation following the news of Cleopatra's defeat.
Question 2: How Cleopatra and her followers are described in the beginning of the poem?
Cleopatra is not referred to by her name. Rather, she is introduced as "queen", which had a very negative resonance to the Roman ears. This term would be enough to invoke hostility and suspicion in a Roman audience. The notion of the "queen" was so bad to the Romans; it not only had all the negative overtones of "king", but it stood for royal power being exercised by a woman. (Note: Rome used to be a republic! It was also a male-dominated society, where women had no role in political and public life.) Cleopatra is portrayed as "mad" and "crazed with hope unlimited and drunk with sweet fortune" in her wild ambition to destroy Rome and its empire.
Her followers are described as a "contaminated flock of men diseased by vice".
Question 3: Is there a change in the poet's attitude towards Cleopatra as the poem progresses?
There is a shift of tone and attitude in the second half of the poem. The image that Horace uses of Octavian's ships pursuing Cleopatra, like a "hawk" after "gentle doves", seems to elicit sympathy for her, and though she is soon after described as a "monster", one has to wonder how monstrous someone could be who has just been compared to a gentle dove. The following lines seem to portray Cleopatra in a very favorable light. She seeks "a nobler death", does not display "a woman's fear" and doesn't try to run and hide. Rather, she returns to her palace defeated but with her spirit unbroken, and calmly and bravely chooses death on her own terms. Horace, like Plutarch, describes her suicide as a deliberate and defiant act that prevents her capture by Octavian and her being paraded as a conquered enemy in his triumphal procession back in Rome.
How can we use this poem as a historical source?
This poem can't be taken as an objective eye-witness account of what happened at the battle of Actium or how Cleopatra committed suicide. However, it does tell us about the sorts of feelings that these events inspired back at Rome and the complex set of emotions that the name of Cleopatra might have evoked.
Contrast between Rome and Egypt as seen by Romans:
Rome: manly, austere, disciplined, and principled
Egypt: effeminate, reckless, indulgent, and debauched
I. In ****** of Cleopatra:
1. Cleopatra has entered the history of the West largely through her incorporation into the written records of Roman authors, and there are no narrative histories or biographies of Cleopatra written by ancient Egyptians that we can set beside the roman accounts. One important aspect of Cleopatra, which is underplayed in the Roman sources and also in modern representations of her, is her status not only as an Egyptian but also as a member of a Hellenistic (Greek) elite within her own country. It is done deliberately to represent her as the figurehead of a strange and barbarous Egyptian culture. The reason behind this is that it was much easier for the Romans to draw a picture of radical differences between themselves and Egypt than between themselves and the Greeks, for Rome saw itself as the heir to the intellectual culture of ancient Greece.
Activity (Reading p. 17):
How does Plutarch describe Cleopatra's actions?
Plutarch in principle is hostile to Cleopatra, and the spin that he puts on her actions here is that she behaved in a brazen manner in seeking out Caesar in this way. However, if we were to consider Cleopatra's actions from a wider perspective, we could choose to portray this action rather differently. Considering the situation she was finding herself in (i.e. involved in a civil conflict with her brother and being forced out of Alexandria), she acted swiftly and decisively to seize the initiative and impress the man best able to help her secure her future. This was not simply a flirtatious whim on her part, but a matter of both political expediency and self-preservation.
2. The motivations of Caesar, Antony, and Cleopatra in their alliances:
Caesar's motivations: He was already moving on to a campaign elsewhere, and he needed stability in Egypt; he also needed the wealth and grain of Egypt. In Cleopatra he saw the best means to this end.
Antony's motivations: The same was true for Antony. Egypt's support was an important cog in his power base in the East and he needed resource in his conflict with Octavian.
Cleopatra's motivations: Through her liaisons with Caesar and Antony, Cleopatra attempted to steer a shrewd path among the shifting sands of the violent civil conflicts of Rome.


3. Cleopatra's images of herself:
Cleopatra left behind objects (coins, statues, and sculptures) which present images of herself. Through these sources we can gain great insight into how she wanted others to see her. By looking at these artefacts we can try to restore some of Cleopatra's own "voice" as a counterpoint to how she has been represented by others.
Activity (Figure 1.3, p. 19)
Question: How would you describe this sort of art?
Discussion: The temple of Hathor at Dendera was an ancient religious site. The complex was started by Cleopatra's father and completed by herself. Her own involvement in this project is a likely indication that these relief sculptures were approved by the queen herself. The temple is very much architecture on a grand scale. The sculpture is a piece of art in the style of ancient Egypt: the hieroglyphic symbols form a dense graphic backdrop to the figures, which are depicted with the stiff formality of this type of archaic art. In this sculpture, Cleopatra deliberately wanted to place herself and her son (Caesarion) within this artistic tradition stretching back thousands of years.
Interpretation of the Sculpture:
In this relief, Caesarion is placed in the more important position (closest to the gods), and he is depicted as a fully adult male pharaoh. This suggests the importance Cleopatra placed on the promotion of Caesarion as a legitimate pharaoh and ruler of Egypt. Representing her son in the timeless fashion of traditional portraits of the pharaohs was a means to establish his legitimacy. At the same time, she is also emphasizing her own status and authority as not only a pharaoh but also as the mother of a pharaoh. As Cleopatra and her son face Hathor and her son, an obvious parallel seems to be drawn between the fertility and power of the mother goddess and those of her human counterpart.
Cleopatra on Coins:
Activity (Figures 1.4 and 1.5, p. 21):
Question: What is the first impression of Cleopatra's depiction on the coins? How is she depicted?
Discussion: These coins are radically different material objects, made for a different audience. Coins circulate in everyday life and hence are seen by more people over a wider geographical area. Unlike the Dendera sculptures, they were not designed for an Egyptian audience. On the coins, she doesn't appear youthful; her neck is thick set and she has a rather unflattering roll of skin under her chin. The nose is prominent and hooked; the jaw juts out, and the eyes are almost bulbous. in fact, nose, jaw, and eyes all look rather exaggerated, perhaps more in keeping with a caricature than a portrait. She is represented within the manner of a Hellenistic queen (i.e. her "melon" hairstyle and her hairband).
The coin portraits are very much in the Roman style of portraiture of the day known as verism (aiming at a realistic, or even overly realistic, depiction of the subject).
The purposes of this type of depiction:
a. To project her powerful and striking individuality
b. To reinforce the projection of power and wealth (e.g. pearl jewelry)
c. To depict her political and personal alliance with Antony (whose face appears on the other side of the coin).

The sculptures at Dendera were intended to impress on the Egyptian population the legitimacy of Cleopatra and Caesarion to rule as pharaohs in Egypt, then these coins were similarly designed to present Antony and Cleopatra as viable rulers of the Roman empire. For the Egyptians, Cleopatra appears as a timeless female pharaoh; for the residents of the Roman empire, she appears as a powerful and formidable dynast.
J. Reassessing Cleopatra:
We have seen Cleopatra in a variety of poses, from a glamorous Hollywood star to a depraved foreign tyrant, to a determined stateswoman and patriot. She has been many things to many people. Historians' work on Cleopatra is never likely to be definitive or finished. There are too many important issues (gender, race, colonialism and so on) invested in her figure for there ever to be an agreed assessment.
[
wasam غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 10-10-2013, 10:17 PM   #2
wasam wasam غير متصل
طالب جديد

 









افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


دعواتكم
wasam غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 11-10-2013, 03:13 AM   #3
Too00ootah Too00ootah غير متصل
طالب فعال
 
الصورة الرمزية Too00ootah

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


الله يعطيك العافية ماقصرتي بس حابة اسأل مانزل للوحدة الثانية



التوقيع

Finished

AR111 AR112 GR101 EL98 EL99 EL112 TU170 GR112


NOW


ELL120 AA100A



Too00ootah غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 12-10-2013, 11:19 PM   #4
wasam wasam غير متصل
طالب جديد

 









افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


chapter 2
wasam غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 12-10-2013, 11:22 PM   #5
wasam wasam غير متصل
طالب جديد

 









معلومة رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a



Chapter 2
Christopher Marlowe's Doctor Faustus
I. Christopher Marlowe as described by his contemporaries:
A. Negative Attitudes:
1. Thomas Kyd accused him of holding a variety of ‘monstrous opinions’, of being ‘intemperate’ and of having ‘a cruel heart’, though it’s important to realize that Kyd made these claims under torture.
2. The spy Richard Baines, who had already informed on Marlowe during the counterfeiting affair, submitted a report to the authorities which portrayed him as a scoffer and heretic who, for example, mocked religion as a tool used by the powerful ‘to keep men in awe’ and said ‘Christ was a bastard and his mother dishonest [unchaste]’. Baines also accused Marlowe of what we would call homosexuality (the word did not exist in the sixteenth century, though buggery was punishable by death) when he attributed to him the view that ‘all they that love not tobacco and boys were fools’.
3. The puritan Thomas Beard charged Marlowe with ‘atheism and impiety’, with denying ‘God and his son Christ’. He also interpreted Marlowe’s violent death as God’s judgment upon his sins, or, as Beard put it rather more colorfully, as the ‘hook the Lord put in the nostrils of this barking dog’
B. Positive Attitudes:
1. Fellow dramatist George Peele called him ‘the Muses’ darling’.
2. Thomas Heywood, writing in 1633, described him as ‘the best of poets in that
age’.
II. Correlation between Marlowe's life and his works:
The correlations between the work and the life (both the facts and the gossip) are undeniably striking: all of Marlowe’s dramatic protagonists are in some significant sense rule-breakers, who challenge religious, political or sexual orthodoxies, much as he was accused of doing. Two of his best-known heroes, Tamburlaine and Doctor Faustus, share with their creator their rise from low-class origins to fame and success, while another protagonist, King Edward II, is sexually infatuated with his favorite Piers Gaveston.
III. Doctor Faustus' Source:
The History of the Damnable Life and Deserved Death of Doctor John Faustus (1592), an English translation of a German book (now known as the Faustbuch) about an actual historical figure who gained notoriety in early sixteenth-century Germany by dabbling in the occult.
IV. Other Retellings of Faustus's story:
A. The two-part play Faust (1808; 1832) by the German writer Goethe
B. the novel Doctor Faustus (1948) by Thomas Mann
C. Peter Cook’s and Dudley Moore’s 1967 film Bedazzled (remade in 2000), which adapted the legend for comic ends
V. Challenges of reading a Renaissance play:
A. The vocabulary was significantly different from twenty-first-century English.
B. The form: It is also written largely in blank verse, where each line of verse has five stressed and five unstressed syllables, and that these are arranged in a fairly regular pattern of unstressed/stressed. In poetry this pattern, or meter, is called iambic pentameter, which is generally thought to be the poetic meter that most closely reproduces the cadence of English speech. This is also blank verse because, in addition to being written in iambic pentameter, the lines are unrhymed.
VI. Reading Doctor Faustus:
A. Morality plays are fundamentally religious dramas that enact the conflict between good and evil, each of which is embodied in supernatural figures (like Mephistopheles and Lucifer) or personified abstractions (like the Good and Evil Angels and the Seven Deadly Sins). They are shown fighting for the soul of a central human character who often represents humanity itself, hence the title of one of the best-known morality plays, Everyman. The aim of the morality play was primarily didactic; that is, it sought to teach its audience, and to offer moral and spiritual lessons about how to live a good Christian life. In Doctor Faustus, this didactic element can be seen most clearly in Marlowe’s use of a Chorus to present a Prologue and Epilogue that, rather like the Choruses of ancient Greek tragedies, express traditional attitudes and guide the audience’s response to the play.
VII. Activity (p. 37)
Reading: the Prologue
Reread the speech now, and then write a brief summary of it in no more than four or five
sentences. What main points would you say the Chorus is making here?
1 The Chorus spends several lines telling the audience what the play is not about – war or love or martial heroism – before he tells us what it is about: ‘Faustus’ fortunes, good or bad’ (l. 8).
2 Then he tells us about Faustus’s childhood, specifically that although he was born to ‘parents base of stock’ (l. 12), he went on when he was older to study divinity at the University of Wittenberg, where his intellectual brilliance led swiftly to his being awarded a doctorate.
3 In line 20, the tone of the speech seems to change, as the Chorus speaks of Faustus’s ‘cunning of a self-conceit’, which your edition of the play explains as ‘intellectual pride engendered by arrogance’.
4 The Chorus goes on to explain that his intellectual pride led Faustus to take up the study of magic, or ‘cursèd necromancy’, despite the fact that it jeopardizes ‘his chiefest bliss’ (l. 27); that is, his chance of being granted eternal salvation when he dies.
VIII. Faustus' mixed picture as presented by the chorus:
A. The Chorus undoubtedly condemns Faustus’s study of magic and encourages us to disapprove of it too.
B. But the speech also registers the greatness of a man who, through his own merit, overcame the considerable disadvantage of lowly birth to rise to the pinnacle of his profession.
IX. Figurative Language describes one thing by comparing it with something else. The two most well-known types of figurative language are similes and ****phors. Similes make a direct comparison by using the word ‘like’ or ‘as’. If Marlowe had written ‘Till, swoll’n like a balloon with cunning of a self-conceit’, he would have made a direct comparison between Faustus’s pride and an inflated balloon. But he chose to use not a simile but a ****phor, with the result that rather than being likened to a particular inflated object, pride is identified more broadly with the condition of being swollen.
This ****phor is followed by the lines: ‘His waxen wings did mount above his reach,/ And melting heavens conspired his overthrow’ (ll. 21–2). This is an allusion to the ancient Greek myth of Icarus, who attempted to escape from Crete with a pair of waxen wings, but flew too near the sun and plunged to his death when the sun melted the wax. He became the symbol of the ‘overreacher’, of the man who tries to exceed his own limitations and comes to grief as a result. Like Icarus, in the Chorus’s view, Faustus tried to ‘mount above his reach’ and was punished for his presumption: ‘heavens conspired his overthrow’ (l. 22). This is an intriguing twist on the Icarus myth; for whereas Icarus’s pride seems to be self-destructive, Faustus’s sparks the intervention of a deity who ‘conspires’ to destroy him (see Figures 2.2 and 2.3).
X. Faustus’s first speech:
The way the speech is staged and written serves to emphasize Faustus’s position as an eminent scholar. It is set in his study, and he is surrounded by books, from which he reads in Latin. The works he consults, written by such great thinkers of classical antiquity as the Greek philosopher Aristotle, the Greek medical authority Galen and the Roman emperor and jurist Justinian, were central texts in the sixteenth-century university curriculum. The first impression the speech gives us, then, is of the breadth of Faustus’s learning.

There is no one on stage with Faustus as he delivers these lines, which means that it is a soliloquy, a speech in which a dramatic character, alone on stage, expresses his or her thoughts, feelings and motives. The soliloquy is an ideal device for establishing a strong relationship between a character and an audience, for it seems to give us access to
that character’s mind at work.

In his first soliloquy, Faustus runs through the four main academic disciplines he has
studied – Philosophy, Medicine, Law and Theology – he dismisses each of them as an intellectual dead-end. What he wants, then, is to transcend his human limitations, to break through the boundaries that place what he sees as artificial restrictions on human potential. He has gone as far as his human condition will allow him to go, but wants
to go further still, which means transforming himself into a ‘mighty god’, ‘a deity’ (ll. 64, 65), a goal he feels only magic will enable him to realize.
Indeed, what the play explores – its principal theme – is the conflict between the
confidence and ambition its protagonist embodies, and the Christian faith, which remained a powerful cultural force when Marlowe was writing and required humility and submission to God’s will.
XI. Activity (p. 42)
Have another look at Faustus’s speech on page 9, lines 80–101, in which he imagines the power that magic will bring him. What is it he wants to achieve with this power? What kinds of motives or desires do you think he expresses in these lines?
A. Gold and precious jewels
B. Fruits and delicacies
C. Knowledge
D. Silk clothes for students
E. Military power to overcome the enemies
XII. The comic scenes
There is no doubt, though, that the play keeps drawing our attention to its protagonist’s weaknesses. This is one of the main functions of the play’s comic scenes – to comment on the serious action. Time and again, Marlowe juxtaposes scenes so that the later comic one comments on the preceding serious one by re-presenting Faustus’s ambitions in their lowest form, stripped of the power of his own speeches. With techniques such as these the play diminishes its hero by exposing the triviality and foolishness of his aims.
XIII. Activity (p. 44)
Now look at this soliloquy (page 33, lines 1–14). How would you describe its
mood? Jot down any points you think are important about the way the
language helps to create this mood.

I would say that the mood of this speech is one of self-doubt and inner division. Just as in the first soliloquy, Faustus is talking to himself, but on this occasion the voice we hear sounds markedly less confident. One possible reason for this is that the speech is peppered with questions which seem to betray his uncertainty about his chosen course of action; for example, in line 3 he asks himself, ‘What boots it [what use is it] then to think of God or heaven?’ The question is followed by a series of commands: ‘Away with such vain fancies and despair!/ Despair in God and trust in Beelzebub./ Now go not backward. No, Faustus, be resolute’ (ll. 4–6). Faustus is ordering himself not to backtrack, but to no avail, as his next question makes clear: ‘Why waverest thou?’ (l. 7). Suddenly another voice appears, urging repentance:
‘Abjure this magic and turn to God again!’ (l. 8). This voice seems to get the upper hand briefly, but Faustus silences it with an extreme statement of his commitment to the devil.
Faustus appears to be wrestling with his conscience in this soliloquy. He clearly feels the urge to repent, so why doesn’t he? It is interesting that although he delivers this speech before he has signed his contract with Lucifer, he tells himself in the first line that he must ‘needs be damned’; in other words, he sees his own damnation as unavoidable.
XIV. Why should Faustus feel so strongly that he is damned, when at this point in the play there seems to be every reason to believe that repentance will secure God’s forgiveness?
Some critics, most notably Alan Sinfield (1983) and John Stachniewski (1991), have argued that Marlowe is exploring the mental and emotional impact of the form of Protestantism that prevailed in England during the late sixteenth century, based on the doctrines of the French-born Protestant reformer Jean Calvin. Calvinist theology developed and changed over time, but at this historical juncture it stressed the sinfulness and depravity of human nature. In contrast to the traditional view of salvation as something that an individual could earn by living a virtuous Christian life, Calvinism argued that salvation is entirely God’s gift rather than the result of any human effort. Moreover, according to the doctrine of predestination, God gives that gift only to a fortunate few whom he has chosen; everyone else faces an eternity of hellfire.
XV. The effects of Calvinism on the Elizabethan believers:
A. Its effect on believers was often positive; for those persuaded by their own virtuous impulses that they were chosen by God, it proved an enormous source of comfort and well-being, perhaps especially for poorer members of society, for whom the conviction of divine favor could be empowering.
B. But for some, these doctrines provoked a sense of powerlessness and anxious fear about their spiritual destiny.

XVI. Activity (p. 46)
Have a look at Act 4, Scenes 1 and 2. On the basis of these scenes, would you say that Faustus has realized his dreams of power and pleasure? What evidence would you offer in support of your view?
These two scenes show us Faustus in the role of court magician, entertaining the emperor Charles V and then the Duke and Duchess of Vanholt with conjuring tricks. Many critics have felt that these scenes highlight the hollowness of Faustus’s achievements; far from realizing his grand dreams of immense power, all he manages to become is the entertainer of the established ruling elite. Marlowe certainly makes a point in Act 4, Scene 1 of stressing the limitations of his protagonist’s conjuring powers. Because Faustus is still unable to raise people from the dead, he can do no more than summon spirits who resemble Alexander and his paramour. In Act 4, Scene 2 the point seems to be not that Faustus lacks the power to fulfill the request made of him by his aristocratic employer, but that the Duchess of Vanholt can think of nothing more challenging to ask for than a dish of ripe grapes, to which Faustus replies, apparently with some regret, ‘Alas, madam, that’s nothing’ (4.2.14). He seems at this point to share the view of many critics that he is squandering his abilities on trivial activities.
XVII. The limitations of Marlowe’s open-air theatre and their effect on his plays:
A. Plays were performed in broad daylight with little in the way of props, scenery or artificial lighting. In these conditions, it is not hard to grasp why so many of Faustus’s adventures as a magician are reported rather than enacted.
B. Marlowe provides of activities he was unable to enact on stage, especially given that these de******ions probably had a powerful impact on the play’s original audience, who were much more ac******ed to listening to long and often complex speeches (sermons, for example) than we tend to be nowadays.
XVIII. Activity (pp. 47-48)
So how might consideration of Doctor Faustus as a text intended for performance affect our response to Faustus’s career as a magician? A moment ago we discussed the way in which Act 4 in particular seems to emphasize the gap between Faustus’s aspirations and his actual achievement. Does thinking about these scenes in terms of performance open up different possibilities?
It strikes me that Act 4, Scene 1, for example, in which Faustus conjures up the image of Alexander the Great and his paramour, could easily, with the skilful use of music and lighting, be turned into a thrilling stage spectacle. It might then be possible to perform Act 4 in such a way as to create the impression not of the emptiness, but of the wonder of Faustus’s magical powers.

XIX. Activity (p. 49)
Reread Faustus’s last soliloquy (Act 5, Scene 2), thinking as you read about how Marlowe uses sound effects to heighten the emotional impact of the soliloquy.
The soliloquy represents an attempt to imagine and dramatize what the last hour of life feels like to a man awaiting certain damnation. Of course, the speech doesn’t really take an hour to deliver, but Marlowe uses the sound of the clock striking to create the illusion that the last hour of Faustus’s life is ticking away and so heightens the sense of impending doom. It strikes eleven at the start of the speech, then half past the hour ninety-six lines later, then midnight only twenty lines after that. Why does the second half hour pass much more quickly than the first? Is this Marlowe’s way of conveying what the passage of time feels like to the terrified Faustus: it seems to be speeding up as the dreaded end approaches? The thunder and lightning that swiftly follow the sound of the clock striking midnight announce the final entrance of the devils.

Faustus wants time to stop or slow down, but the way one line of verse tumbles into the next, accelerating rather than slowing down the rhythm, seems to signal the inevitable frustration of that wish. Faustus himself grasps this: ‘The stars move still; time runs; the clock will strike;/ The devil will come, and Faustus must be damned’ (ll. 76–7).

Time really is the essence of this soliloquy, not only because the clock is ticking for Faustus, but because, as we have seen, what most horrifies him is the prospect not of suffering but of endless suffering. After the clock strikes the half hour, Faustus pleads with God to place a limit on his time in hell – ‘Let Faustus live in hell a thousand
years,/ A hundred thousand, and at last be saved’ (ll. 103–04) – only to come back to the awful truth: ‘O, no end is limited to damnèd souls’ (l. 105).
XX. The contrast between Faustus's first and last soliloquies:
One of the most striking aspects of the speech is the way it reverses the dreams of power and glory that Faustus expressed in his first soliloquy. In that speech he declared his desire to be more than human, to be a ‘mighty god’, but now, as he faces an eternity in hell, he wishes that he were less than human: he longs to be transformed into ‘some brutish beast’ whose soul would simply dissolve into the elements when it dies (ll. 109–12), or that his soul might ‘be changed into little waterdrops,/ And fall into the ocean, ne’er be found’ (ll. 119–20). In his final soliloquy, Faustus’s self-assertive spirit collapses into a desire for extinction; his aspiration to divinity into a longing for annihilation as he seeks desperately to escape from ‘the heavy wrath of God’ (l. 86).
XXI. The Genre: Morality Play or Tragedy?
A. Tragedy as defined by Aristotle (in the Poetics) in the fourth century BCE: Tragedies are plays that represent a central action or plot that is serious and significant. They involve a socially prominent main character who is neither evil nor morally perfect, who moves from a state of happiness to a state of misery because of some frailty or error of judgment: this is the tragic hero, the remarkable individual whose fall stimulates in the spectator intense feelings of pity and fear.
B. To what extent does Doctor Faustus conform to this de******ion of a tragic play?
Well, it follows the classic tragic trajectory in so far as it starts out with the protagonist at the pinnacle of his achievement and ends with his fall into misery, death and (in this case) damnation. From the beginning the play identifies its protagonist not as ‘everyman’, the morality play hero who ‘stands for’ all of us, but as the exceptional protagonist of tragic drama. Moreover, it is certainly possible to argue that Faustus brings about his own demise through his catastrophically ill-advised decision to embrace black magic. Perhaps most
importantly, we have seen in the course of this chapter that Faustus is consistently presented to us as an intermediate character, neither wholly good nor wholly bad: both brilliant and arrogant, learned and foolish, consumed with intellectual curiosity and possessed of insatiable appetites for worldly pleasure, a conscience-stricken rebel against divine power. We have seen as well how skillfully Marlowe uses the soliloquy to create a powerful illusion of a complex inner life: from Faustus’s first proud rejection of the university curriculum and his exuberant daydreams of unlimited power, to his anguished self questioning and final terrified confrontation with the divine authority he defied, the play gives us access to the thoughts and feelings of a dramatic character whose fall, whether or not we feel it is deserved, seems to call for a fuller emotional response than the Epilogue’s moralizing can provide.
XXII. What, if anything, does Doctor Faustus tell us about its notorious author? Having read the play, do you feel that it supports or invalidates the dominant view of Marlowe as the bad boy of Elizabethan drama?
On one level, this play does seem to be the work of an author disinclined to take orthodox beliefs on trust, who bears some resemblance to the restless, irreverent personality described and decried by the likes of Baines and Beard. However, we have seen throughout this chapter that this allegedly rebellious figure produced a play that, if it questions divine justice, also insists on the egoism and sheer wrong-headedness of its erring protagonist, and powerfully conveys his feelings of guilt and remorse. Perhaps the play’s ambiguity is a measure of how risky it would have been for Marlowe to write a more overtly subversive drama; yet one could also argue that the play’s orthodox sentiments are too deeply felt to be dismissed as camouflage for the author’s heretical opinions. In the end, all we can say is that Marlowe’s treatment of the Faust legend is neither simply orthodox nor simply radical. With its stubborn resistance to single, fixed meanings, Doctor Faustus leaves the character and beliefs of its author in shadow.
wasam غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 12-10-2013, 11:23 PM   #6
wasam wasam غير متصل
طالب جديد

 









افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


دعواتكم
wasam غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 13-10-2013, 12:26 AM   #7
Too00ootah Too00ootah غير متصل
طالب فعال
 
الصورة الرمزية Too00ootah

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


الله يعطيك العافيه وماقصرتي الله يجعله في ميزان حسناتك
Too00ootah غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 13-10-2013, 07:47 AM   #8
lama naem lama naem غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


Allah bless you .thax a lot
lama naem غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 27-10-2013, 03:36 PM   #9
R.H.J R.H.J غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


الله يوفقك وييسر امرك ...
شكرا جزيلا الله يجزاك الجنه .
R.H.J غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 28-10-2013, 12:31 AM   #10
Too00ootah Too00ootah غير متصل
طالب فعال
 
الصورة الرمزية Too00ootah

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


اخذتو حق الوحدة الثالثة والرابعة ولا لا ؟
Too00ootah غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 02-11-2013, 08:10 AM   #11
lama naem lama naem غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


unit three and four are cancled
lama naem غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 02-11-2013, 10:48 AM   #12
aboora homs aboora homs غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










سؤال رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


يعني مارح يجو بالامتحان !!!
aboora homs غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 02-11-2013, 04:18 PM   #13
lama naem lama naem غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










افتراضي رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


review the calander of this subject AA100A
lama naem غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
قديم 02-11-2013, 04:20 PM   #14
lama naem lama naem غير متصل
طالب جديد

 










معلومة رد: الوحدة الاولى من aa100a


review the calander of this subject AA100A and sure and these units will not be included in the exam
lama naem غير متصل   رد مع اقتباس
إضافة رد

مواقع النشر (المفضلة)

أدوات الموضوع
انواع عرض الموضوع

تعليمات المشاركة
لا تستطيع إضافة مواضيع جديدة
لا تستطيع الرد على المواضيع
لا تستطيع إرفاق ملفات
لا تستطيع تعديل مشاركاتك

BB code is متاحة
كود [IMG] متاحة
كود HTML معطلة

الانتقال السريع


الساعة الآن 09:14 PM.


Powered by vBulletin® Version 3.8.1, Copyright ©2000 - 2019, Jelsoft Enterprises Ltd. TranZ By Almuhajir
جميع المواضيع والمشاركات تعبر عن وجهة نظر أصحابها
ولا تعبر باي شكل من الاشكال عن وجهة نظر منتديات AOUA
تصميم وتطوير : التكنولوجيا الماسية